Thursday, June 12, 2014

Roger Williams Biography: The Puritan Quaker of Rhode island

Roger Williams Biography

roger williams standingCHILDHOOD, YOUTH AND COLLEGE YEARS: Childhood in London, 1603-1617
Roger Williams was born in the Smithfield district of London sometime between the years 1603 and 1606, on a street called Long Lane. Nobody has ever found the records of his birth or of his parents' marriage, so we don't know the exact dates of either. The parish church where the records would be kept burned in 1666, during the Great London Fire. In different years during his life Roger Williams wrote that he was "about" so many years old but the ages he gave don't come out to one birth date. Between 1603 and 1606 is as close as we can get. (We don't know what he looked like, either. No portrait was painted of him during his life and no physical description written. Any picture you see of him is the product of somebody's imagination.)
It is more interesting to think of 1603 as the year when he was born because that was a dramatic year in English history. Queen Elizabeth I died and James I became King of England. Elizabeth, the daughter of Henry VIII, was a Tudor. James was a Stuart. The English people loved Elizabeth, who reigned for forty-five years. While she was queen England became rich and powerful, and explored the New World. The middle class, mostly city merchants and country gentry, grew larger in numbers and became more influential. The scene was set for changes when the new king came to power but as it turned out the changes led to trouble and conflict. Roger Williams grew up in a time of political and religious disagreement. He was lucky to survive infancy and grow up at all, because 1603 was a year of plague in London. People died by the thousands, and those who were able fled the city for the infection-free countryside. King James even asked Londoners to stay away from his coronation because so many had died the week before.
Roger Williams was a true city boy. London had a population of 210,000 in 1603. His neighborhood was one of busy, crowded, narrow streets. The buildings were a mixture of tenements, warehouses and taverns. Shops and homes shared the same wooden buildings. There were still open fields within walking distance of the neighborhood, but young Roger may have gone more often to the docks for excitement. There he could see tall sailing ships, listen to sailors talk, and watch cargoes from faraway places being unloaded. When he was thirteen the Indian princess Pocahontas, with her husband John Rolfe and their son, came to England from Virginia. Around the same time everyone was talking about John Smith's explorations, his maps of America and his writings.
Roger Williams' father was a Merchant Tailor, which did not then mean somebody who made clothes but a shopkeeper who sold imported cloth. The father became somewhat prosperous in his business but the best Roger could hope for in his station in life was to train as a clerk or "scrivener" (something like a secretary) and perhaps go into business himself. His education would have ended after grammar school.
PREPARATORY SCHOOL AND COLLEGE 1617-1627
As a young teenager in 1617 Roger Williams met Sir Edward Coke, a powerful lawyer who had been Chief Justice of the King's Bench. This meeting changed his life. They probably met when Sir Edward noticed Roger taking shorthand notes of the sermon in church. (Roger Williams did learn shorthand when he was very young, an unusual accomplishment at such an early age.) Sir Edward hired Roger to take shorthand for him, and a close relationship developed between them. In 1621 Sir Edward got Roger Williams admitted to the Charterhouse School, set up by a rich man especially for boys who could not afford to pay private school fees. This school prepared Roger Williams for college. In 1623 he was admitted to Cambridge University, and received his Bachelor's Degree in 1627. His university fees were paid at least partly by scholarship, but he may also have gotten some help from Sir Edward.
Roger Williams learned French and Dutch as a child, from refugees living in his neighborhood. By the time he graduated from Cambridge he could read and speak Latin, Greek and Hebrew and had also studied grammar, logic and rhetoric. All of this shows up in his writings.
PURITANISM, GRADUATE SCHOOL, AND CHAPLAIN'S POST IN ESSEX 1627-1620
The Anglican church, the national church of England, was established by Henry VIII in 1534. Before that time England was a Catholic country. All of European Christianity was Catholic until the Protestant Reformation, a religious revolution that took place in Western Europe in the sixteenth century. The Reformation was based on objections to doctrines and practices in the medieval Roman Catholic Church. Two branches of Protestantism grew up, one in Germany and Scandinavia following Martin Luther, and one in other European countries following the teachings of John Calvin. The Anglican church, when established by Henry VIII, created a third Protestant branch. The Puritans, a seventeenth century movement within Protestantism, called for even greater reforms to return the churches to the early Christianity described in the New Testament. They wanted to "purify" the church, and got their name from that goal. English Puritans attacked the Anglican church for keeping Catholic rituals in the service and for keeping the same order of bishops and priests, only without the Pope.
Most English Puritans were members of the middle class that had become important while Elizabeth was queen. These issues about the church were matters of life and death to them—they lived in a time when religion was a major part of life. Almost everybody believed strongly in heaven and hell, and thought Christ would return to earth, perhaps in their own lifetime. These same Puritans had also become more powerful in government, and were well represented in Parliament (the English law-making body). They wanted to pass laws enforcing Puritan standards but King James took a strong Anglican stand. After James died in 1625 King Charles I was even more opposed to the Puritans. William Laud, appointed Archbishop of Canterbury by Charles I, was the most powerful person in the Anglican church. He began a program of persecuting Puritans. By the late 1620's (when Roger Williams was at Cambridge), they were in danger of losing their political offices, their professional status and even their lands. It was more than just a religious issue; it was political because it concerned who would have power in the country. Parliament, now with many Puritan members, tried to limit the king's power and to enforce civil liberties. This struggle between the king and Parliament ended up in the 1640's as the English Civil War.
Chaplain in Essex
Roger Williams stayed in graduate school at Cambridge for a year and a half, training to be a minister. At some time during these months he became so committed to Puritan ideas that his conscience would not let him become an Anglican minister. Roger left Cambridge early in 1629 without finishing his graduate degree, to take a position as family chaplain in a private household in Essex County. It was common for well-to-do families, especially in the country, to have their own religious advisor. Essex was the home of many prominent Puritans and the place where most of the Puritan migration to America was organized in 1629. There Roger met Puritan leaders and ministers, some of whom he would later know in Massachusetts and others who later became powerful as England's rulers during the Civil War.
In December 1629 Roger Williams married Mary Barnard. They left England together for Massachusetts in December 1630. Roger was then twenty-seven and his wife was twenty-one. By that time Sir Edward Coke had become a member of Parliament and was a great fighter there for civil liberty. Roger Williams, meanwhile, had publicly expressed his own Puritan views. Sir Edward, a staunch Anglican and anti-Puritan, broke off their long and close relationship.
EARLY YEARS IN AMERICA: CONFLICT WITH MASSACHUSETTS PURITANS 1631-1635 Boston
As soon as Roger Williams arrived in Boston he was offered the post of teacher in the church there. (New England Puritan churches divided the minister's role between two people, one called the pastor and one the teacher.) To their surprise he turned the job down because the Boston church was not "separated" formally from the Anglican church, and was therefore not pure enough for his beliefs. From this time on Roger Williams forthrightly expressed his beliefs regardless of what it cost him in position, privilege or money. The Massachusetts leaders did not immediately see Roger Williams as a major threat to the community, but knowing now that he had "radical" ideas they watched him. When the town of Salem offered him the teacher position in their church the Boston leaders wrote the town a warning against hiring him. Williams moved to Plymouth, which was not then a part of the Massachusetts colony. It also had a Separatist church—that is, one that had completely withdrawn from the Anglican church.
Plymouth
Roger Williams was the assistant to the pastor in Plymouth until 1633. During this period he worked closely with the Indians, living with them and getting to know their language and their customs. It was one of his goals at this time to convert the Indians to Christianity, although some years later he gave up the idea. The native Londoner, Cambridge University graduate, chaplain to a titled family, now fell under the influence of the wilderness. It is almost impossible for us to imagine the changes this meant, but these years and the wilderness experience clearly affected how Roger Williams thought and lived for the rest of his life.
Salem
In 1633 Roger Williams moved to Salem and in 1634 did become teacher in the church. At this point troubles began between him and the Massachusetts government that led to his banishment from the colony in 1635. Roger Williams said what he thought, and what he now thought was a threat to authority in Massachusetts.
First, he was firmly set in his Separatist beliefs. He said that the Anglican church was corrupt; Massachusetts Puritans should publicly withdraw from it, denounce it, and have nothing to do with it. But these same Massachusetts Puritans hoped deep down that someday their party would come to power in England. The last thing they wanted was to separate from a church they might go back to and run on their own terms.
Second, he said that the magistrates (lawmakers and judges) could not punish offenses against the first four of the Ten Commandments. Massachusetts was then using the Bible as its lawbook. The governor and assistants regularly consulted the ministers for advice on legal and political matters. Church and state worked hand in hand in Massachusetts—and Roger Williams argued that they should be separate.
Third, Roger Williams claimed that the patent from King Charles by which the English held and governed lands in New England was invalid because England claimed the lands by "right of discovery" instead of buying them from the Indians. The Massachusetts leaders saw control of the colony as crucial to their own religious and political interests. They were already worried about a threat from the king to limit or remove their patent.
Fourth, Roger Williams objected to the use of an oath in taking evidence or swearing allegiance to the commonwealth. (Massachusetts had just adopted a residents' loyalty oath.) He said the oath, swearing before God, is an act of worship and should not be used in a non-sacred way.
Fifth, when Roger Williams was called to account by the Massachusetts authorities for these positions, the Salem church protested his threatened banishment. They wrote to other churches in the colony, but their letters were suppressed. Roger Williams and another church elder then wrote to Boston claiming their right to communicate directly with the membership of other local churches, a demand for democracy in the churches.
Banishment
Roger Williams was banished from Massachusetts in October 1635. His original idea was not to found another colony himself, but to live among the Indians and preach to them. Roger Williams had earned his living in Plymouth by farming and by trading with the Indians. Ministers had to till the soil and do hard physical labor like everybody else in the primitive new world conditions. Several people from the Salem church approached him with the idea of leaving with him, though, and so the idea of a colony was formed. They planned to search for a site in the spring. Williams himself left Salem in haste in January to escape deportation to England. He survived the winter by finding shelter with the Indians. When his companions joined him they moved onto a piece of land that Roger Williams had bought from Massasoit, the Wampanoag chieftain, while he was still living in Plymouth. It turned out that the land lay within Plymouth's territory, and the authorities asked them to leave. So they paddled across the Seekonk River and had their famous meeting with the Narragansett at Slate Rock, a spot now at the corner of Williams and Gano Streets on the east side of Providence. Williams' first word of greeting to the little group of Indians he saw on the opposite shore was "What Cheer, Netop?" Guided by Indian suggestion, they continued from there to the site where Providence was founded at a spring that is now part of a national park along a portion of North Main Street.
EARLY YEARS IN RHODE ISLAND 1636-1643
Roger Williams and his few companions founded Providence in Narragansett Indian country with no authority of any kind from England. But in keeping with Roger Williams' principles, they bought the land from the Indians. His friendship with the sachems Canonicus and Miantonomu made this possible. He was later to say that Rhode Island was purchased "by love"—the Indians would not have sold to anybody else, even at a much higher price. When their families arrived, the original colony included eight households with a total of about thirty-two people.
The Colonial Covenant
Democracy is not a word many seventeenth century people used, or a concept they held up to admire. But it is the closest term we have for the way Providence was set up. They spoke of a government based on "mutual consent" which meant by majority vote of the male heads of households. The settlers formally incorporated Providence as a town in 1637. It is worth reading in full the covenant of incorporation to get an idea of how the small group saw their colony.
"We whose names are hereunder, desirous to inhabit in the town of Providence, do promise to submit ourselves in active or passive obedience to all such orders or agreements as shall be made for public good of the body in an orderly way, by the major consent of the present inhabitants, masters of families, incorporated together into a town fellowship, and others whom they shall admit unto them, only in civil things”. This is not a democracy as we understand it. Only male heads of households could vote. There was also the question of how to admit other people to the colony and who should have the power to admit or reject them. Roger Williams bought the land in his own name, but from the beginning he granted admittance to anybody who came along. Later, he gave up sole proprietorship of the land in favor of group title to it. The original colonists each had a house lot, farmland, and grazing meadow. The rest of the land was held in common by the town. Roger Williams wanted newcomers to get equal shares in it that would be the same as those the first settlers got, but this became a source of conflict because not all the original colonists shared his ideals.
One thing never in question from the first day was religious freedom and church-state separation. Rhode Island never set up a state church as Massachusetts had done with Congregationalism. Rhode Island alone let people of all religions move in and stay, and the government had power to compel obedience "only in civil things." This difference is visually evident even in our own day. Towns in other New England states all have a village green with a Congregational church at the head of it—a charming sight, but a relic of religious conformity. Rhode Island towns don't have village greens because they were not laid out with the church as a central focus. (See map of early Providence.)
Events of Rhode Island's Early Years
Although the Massachusetts leaders thought Roger Williams was too dangerous to live among them, they called on him to protect their safety and to do diplomatic service with the Indians. It was no secret that he was a good friend of the Indians and a very good negotiator in all kinds of situations. He did this for years, serving Massachusetts well in spite of the hard treatment they had given him—even in spite of their frequent attempts to claim Rhode Island lands.
His first mission probably saved the Massachusetts colony altogether. He talked the Narragansett out of joining in a treaty with the Pequot Indians against the English. As a result, when the Pequot War broke out in 1637 Massachusetts destroyed the Indians rather than the other way around. Roger Williams was almost the only person to protest the wholesale slaughter of the Pequot and the enslavement of captives. In spite of this, he was the key negotiator in the treaty that distributed the Pequot captives among the Narragansetts and Mohegans who fought on the side of the English. Over the years Roger Williams mediated cases of English and Indians involved in murders, thefts, plots, and jurisdictional disputes.
1637 was also the year that Anne Hutchinson was banished from Massachusetts. Her family and others leaving with her came to Aquidneck Island, where Roger Williams arranged for them to buy land from the Indians. They founded the town now known as Portsmouth. In the midst of all his negotiations for others, Roger Williams had to build his house, work his farm, and try to support his family. He also established an Indian trading post at Wickford.
In 1638 Roger Williams became a Baptist, but not for long. All his life he searched Scripture and his conscience for truth in religion. It was a search in which he could not compromise. Once he was convinced of an idea, he acted on it in his own religious practice. With other Rhode Islanders he founded the first Baptist church in America in 1639. He left it within a year, when he decided that he could not belong to any church because none of them could present good enough proof of uninterrupted succession from Christ's original apostles. He later became a Seeker, the name given to a sect that began in England. Seekers denied that there were any true churches and urged people to worship God "alone, without any church at all."
From 1638 on Rhode Island struggled to remain independent. Differences over control of land led some colonists in Warwick to offer to join Massachusetts so that they could continue to own the land. This group was in conflict with Samuel Gorton, who also settled in Warwick. They put the whole colony in jeopardy by their actions. Roger Williams was sent to England in 1643 to try to get an English patent officially recognizing Rhode Island and confirming its boundaries. He sailed from New Amsterdam (New York after the English took it over from the Dutch in 1664) because as a banished person he wasn't allowed in Massachusetts.
WRITER AND DIPLOMAT 1643-1645
While Roger Williams was on board ship he wrote his first book, A Key Into the Language of America. It is a dictionary or phrase book of the Indian language, but also much more. It explains Indian culture and customs and features poetry by the author. The knowledge and understanding contained in this book show his familiarity with the Indians, and his ability to accept their culture as having its own worth. This book was published in England and its popularity made Roger Williams well known there. While he was in England he also published several books promoting separation of church and state, opposing a national church as a violation of individual conscience, and saying that the teachings of Jesus do not allow persecution for any religious belief. One of the books, The Bloody Tenent of Persecution, was publicly burned for its radical ideas of "tolerating all sorts of religion." By the time the burning took place, however, Roger had left England and was on board ship returning to Rhode Island.
When Roger Williams arrived in London in 1643, the issues that led to civil war were being fought in Parliament. Soon they would be fought on the battlefield. Roger Williams still had powerful friends in England, especially now that the Puritan party was on the rise. Ten months after he arrived, on March 14, 1644, he received a charter that established a land grant to Rhode Island and gave the colony the right to rule itself by a civil government of its own choice. He arrived back in Providence in September to a triumphant welcome from a fleet of fourteen canoes filled with his friends and neighbors.
OFFICER, TRADER, AND PREACHER 1644-1651
The next few years were a time of unrest during which Roger Williams headed the town of Providence as its chief officer. It took until 1647 for the four Rhode Island towns of Providence, Newport, Portsmouth and Warwick to agree to the terms of the charter and to join together officially. There was also a series of Indian disorders requiring his diplomatic services. When these tasks were finished Roger Williams left public life for his trading post at Wickford and his farm in Providence. He also spent much time preaching to the Indians at Wickford.
By this time Roger Williams had six children. He seems from his letters to be a loving husband and father even though his life took him away from his family often and for long periods. We do not know very much about Mary Williams except that she certainly had to manage by herself a great deal. There is a clue to Roger Williams' ideas about bringing up children in his description of Indian children. He considered them totally spoiled and on one occasion remarked to his Indian host that he would not allow such behavior from his own children.
RETURN TO COLONIAL SERVICE IN ENGLAND 1651-1654
Even after Providence, Portsmouth, Newport and Warwick agreed to join as one colony under the patent, political power struggles went on. William Coddington, a former supporter of Anne Hutchinson who had become governor of Newport, tried to separate Aquidneck from the rest of the colony and get himself declared governor of Aquidneck for life. He went to England with a false claim that he had personally bought Aquidneck from the Indians. Once again Roger Williams went to England, this time with Dr. John Clarke and William Dyer, both of whom had also come to Rhode Island with Anne Hutchinson. They both had been punished in Massachusetts for expressing their religious beliefs, and Dr. Clarke wrote an account of it that led to strong feelings in England against Massachusetts. Roger Williams, too, published more pamphlets in England discussing his religious and political ideas. One of the strong beliefs he wrote about was his opposition to ministers being paid for their work. He called this pamphlet The Hireling Ministry None of Christ's and argued in it that a minister could not preach the true word of Christ if he took money for doing so. A paid minister's motivation, Roger said, came from the income and not from the inspiration of the Bible. The argument was influential because in both old and New England everybody's taxes went to support the official church and its ministers, whether the taxpayer was a member of that church or not—except, of course, in Rhode Island.
During this time Roger Williams also wrote in support of allowing Jews to enter England and live there in peace. This was a new idea in England. A couple of years after Roger Williams returned to Rhode Island the first Jews arrived there and were admitted. The first Quakers came about the same time. As with the Jews, Rhode Island was the only New England colony that would take in the Quakers.
Roger Williams and John Clarke were able to settle their business and defeat Coddington's case by October 1652. They had proof that Roger Williams had signed the Aquidneck deed and that the majority of Aquidneck voters opposed Coddington and wanted his commission revoked. It helped that Roger Williams' friend, Sir Harry Vane, was President of the Council of State. The Council confirmed the 1644 charter. However, Williams and Clarke had been assigned to work for a new charter, because Massachusetts, Connecticut and Plymouth were all pressing claims to parts of Rhode Island territory. This would take a long time, especially since the Puritans in Parliament split among themselves. They had deposed, defeated and beheaded King Charles I but they could not govern England in peace as a Puritan commonwealth. In 1653 Oliver Cromwell, the leading Puritan general who became Lord Protector of England after the king was defeated, dissolved Parliament just as the king had done. Roger Williams' friends were on the losing side in this power shuffle. He decided to return to Rhode Island where political chaos still threatened the colony's survival. He had already been asked to return and become governor (or president of the colony as the title was then). He had put off the request to complete his business in England. But now he left John Clarke behind to work for a new charter and accepted the job at home. It took Dr. Clarke until 1663 to get the charter. By that time the Puritan government had been overthrown altogether and the English returned to monarchy under King Charles II. Rhode Island ended up with a royal charter, but one that guaranteed religious freedom.
COLONIAL PRESIDENT AND PEACEMAKER 1654-1657
Roger Williams served three terms as Rhode Island's president, from 1654 to 1657. During these years he traveled back and forth between Providence, Warwick and Aquidneck Island trying to get the colonists to resolve differences and find the strength in unity they needed to survive as an independent colony. Indian uprisings continued during these years. By the time he left office, Rhode Island was a unified colony. In 1657 Roger Williams was about fifty-four years old, and Rhode Island had reached the traditional age of majority—twenty-one.
THE LAST QUARTER CENTURY 1658-1683
The first years of Rhode Island's life were Roger Williams' prime of life years. He spent those years in ceaseless, varied activity: religion, politics, diplomacy, local government, writing, farming, trading and studying. He devoted himself to learning everything he could, asking his friends to send him books on a variety of subjects such as geography. He was equally busy in body and mind, thinking through the ideas and the words of Scripture while walking from Boston to Providence (he was finally allowed to enter Massachusetts when he traveled to and from England in the 1650's), while crossing the Atlantic, or while rowing across Narragansett Bay. The classical learning of his schooldays also stayed with him all his life.
Roger Williams continued active service to the town of Providence and to the colony of Rhode Island until the very last years of his life. In 1675 the tragic Indian war known as King Philip's War took place. When the war began, both the English and the Indians in Rhode Island were neutral; but the Narragansett gave shelter to women and children of the Wampanoags, who were fighting against Massachusetts. Because of this English troops from Massachusetts and Connecticut invaded Rhode Island and attacked the Narragansett at their shelter for the Wampanoag in North Kingstown. This is the battle known as the Great Swamp Fight. The English won at heavy cost, but the Narragansett suffered even more terrible casualties. In revenge they attacked and burned Rhode Island towns, killing many people. Providence had evacuated most of its population to safety on Aquidneck Island. Roger Williams and twenty-six other men stayed behind in fortified houses to defend the town. Roger Williams parleyed with the Indians when they came, but although they would not hurt him they still burned the town, his own house included.
After the war ended Roger Williams and his wife had to be supported by their son, with whom they lived. Roger Williams continued in various official jobs for the town and took part in organizing its rebuilding. He was lame and crippled in his later years, with aches and pains that often laid him low. But he never refused a call to service as long as he could stand and drag himself around. If we take "that wonderful year, 1603" as the date of his birth, he was eighty when he died in poverty in 1683. According to the town records, he was honored at his funeral with a parade through the town and a militia salute over his grave.
Roger Williams lived simply, with his service to the state its own reward. In his lifetime he knew no fame or wealth. The only record we have of public appreciation during his lifetime is the welcome he received when he returned to Providence with the patent from Parliament in 1644. He did know the love of family and friends, along with the loneliness and condemnation that came because he followed his ideas to the end. His children honored and protected him in his old age, never complaining or caring that their father took a path that left them without inheritance, even though Roger Williams could have chosen one that led to comfort. To do that, however, he would have had to choose conformity as well; and that is one of the few things Roger Williams would list as impossible.
SUMMARY OF ROGER WILLIAMS' MAJOR IDEAS
1. Separation of Church and State
Roger Williams is most closely associated in people's minds with the concepts of religious freedom and toleration, and with what we have come to call separation of church and state: that there be no officially recognized or mandated form of religious worship, no state-sanctioned church, and no financial support of any religious body with public funds. No particular religious point of view should be expressed as public policy in legislation. All religions should be equally free to operate without governmental limit or interference. No individual should be persecuted or penalized for a religious belief or expression. Government should deal strictly with civil affairs, and each church should deal exclusively with religious matters.
Roger Williams espoused all these precepts but it is important to note that the source of his concerns was itself religious. The freedom he cherished most was, in the oft repeated phrase, "soul liberty." Although he addressed himself to a number of secular issues in his various political roles, his advocacy of church-state separation sprang from a concern for the purity of the church itself, not for the civil rights of the populace. He was searching for a pure and uncorrupted path in the service of God and towards salvation. He felt that the church—and religion--would be contaminated by contact with worldly affairs; the church should deal only with the affairs of God. Regardless of his thinking, its effect in colonial Rhode Island was a kind of freedom unknown elsewhere. Religious persecution was endemic in Europe in his day, and in Massachusetts the state joined with the church to banish dissenters within their own flock, to jail, whip and banish Baptists and Quakers, to prohibit entry to Jews, and ultimately to hang Quakers who came back once too often.
2. Individual Rights
In Roger Williams' mind this was a corollary to church-state separation and religious freedom. He felt that nobody should be in danger of punishment or hardship "for conscience' sake." In contrast to Massachusetts, Roger Williams advocated tolerance of error in the interest of freedom of conscience. He held that God reserved unto Himself the prerogative of calling sinners to account for religious error, and that this judgment would take place after death. He believed, based on his reading of Scripture, that Christ expressly forbade persecution of any individual because of his or her religious beliefs.
3. Religious Toleration/Liberty of Conscience
This principle follows naturally upon the ideas that nobody should be persecuted for religious beliefs and the state should not meddle in or regulate religion. Roger Williams supported admittance to Rhode Island of people of all faiths, not just all Christian faiths. This does not mean that he accepted all religious ideas as having merit. He was vehemently opposed to the Quakers' beliefs, for example, and considered the Indians' religion barbaric. Nevertheless he contended that it was not the province of any human being to pass judgment on religious error. (Apparently debating religious issues in the most denunciatory terms, as he did with a group of Quakers, did not count as judgment.) The phrase "liberty of conscience" reflects his attitude more than religious toleration. The latter suggests religions coexisting by permission of the state, and Roger Williams felt that people of all religions should be able to practice their faith in peace without having to seek government permission. He even favored extending this freedom to Catholics, whose religion he despised above all as riddled with corruption. If Catholics ever came to Rhode Island, he wrote, they would have to be admitted and left in peace to worship as all others were.
4. Government by Mutual Consent of the Governed
Roger Williams believed, as did Puritans in general, that government originates in an agreement between rulers and people. In this view, government is indeed an ordinance of God established to hold in check "evil propensities of fallen man." The rulers are in fact God's agents but they do not get their power directly from God. Authority comes from God to the people, and they pass it to the rulers through a covenant. Roger Williams supported liberty of conscience for women (see reference to the Verin case in notes on the biography) but apparently never thought of woman suffrage.
5. Equality of Participation in Government
This position can be inferred from the way Rhode Island was run in Roger Williams' day. It was in effect a democracy of the voters. Although suffrage was limited to male landholders (freemen) in a system typical of the seventeenth century, Roger Williams advocated broadening the voting populace as much as possible by making land readily available on an equal basis to original settlers and newcomers alike. He also favored land distribution to single men as well as heads of households. In advocating this kind of land arrangement Roger Williams differed from the policies of other New England colonies where the original landholders limited suffrage through strict control of distribution and where only Congregational church members could vote. Roger Williams also supported what we would call equality of opportunity— everybody gets land, in those days the basis of wealth and power. In Massachusetts, besides applying a religious test to voting rights the original colonial officials voted themselves huge grants of land. In Rhode Island, with no religious test for anything, Quaker freemen were numerous enough with the support of one or two splinter groups to gain control of the colonial government in a 1670's election. (Rhode Island was not admired in other colonies for its tolerant practices. A group of New Amsterdam ministers, refusing entry to a shipload of Quakers, commented in 1657, "We suppose they went to Rhode Island, for that is the receptacle of all sorts of riff-raff people and is nothing less than the sewer...of New England. All the cranks of New England retire thither...They are not tolerated...in any other place.")
6. Pacifism or Non-violence
Roger Williams was opposed to the use of force, also on the basis that it was un-Christian. He said that Christ does not rule by the sword. Therefore no government should try to force its will on another through war, and no government can claim, in effect, "God is on our side." God is involved only in religious, not temporal affairs. Williams felt that all governments instituted by human beings were equal, should not judge each other, and should deal with each other peaceably in worldly affairs, such as trade. God approved of government but He did not favor one people or one kind of government over another. Laws and governments would vary as needs and circumstances of different people varied, and it was therefore wrong for any government to demand that another conform to its own standards. He applied this principle to his dealings with the Indians, approaching them on equal terms in spite of despising their religion and finding many of their customs barbarous. He acknowledged each tribe as a people and its government as valid and legal as English government. However, Roger Williams did not completely rule out war in self-defense. He supported the Pequot War in 1637 because he felt that the Pequots were clearly the aggressors. He opposed a proposed punitive expedition against the Niantic in 1640, writing to Governor Winthrop that "I...doubt whether any other use of war and arms be lawful to the professors of the Lord Jesus, but in execution of justice upon malefactors at home: or preserving of life and lives in defensive war, as was upon the Pequots... .Isai 2 Mic 4." (Note the Scriptural citations.)
Roger Williams believed that the purpose of government is to protect the bodies and goods of the people. In this light, to wage aggressive war is destructive of both, but to fight in defense of life and property when attacked is permissible.
7. Scope of Government in Issues of Morality and Public Welfare
Although Roger Williams denied the state's right to interfere in any way with religious freedom, he supported the state's right to enforce a community code of morality through the rule of law, and he believed that code should be based on the fifth through tenth of the Ten Commandments. He felt that the state should not address the first four commandments, as they related to purely religious matters. He gave the state wide leeway in controlling behavior that threatened the public safety. He included quarreling, disobedience, uncleanness and lasciviousness in his list of threatening behavior along with murder and theft. He thought that if Government paid due respect to people's consciences it could regulate morality without infringing on religious freedom. He believed it the duty of the civil magistrate to punish actions against public safety and welfare even if those actions were taken on the basis of conscience. He gave examples such as human sacrifice, practiced for conscience sake in Mexico and Peru (this example also shows once again how well informed and well read he was in his obscure New England "sewer"). He also gave such examples as the protection of chastity, giving the government the right to prohibit prostitution, censor books, prescribe proper dress and use the "civil sword" to cut off "the monstrous hair of women upon the heads of some men." Quaker men, for example, wore their hair long as part of their religious ordinances. Roger Williams did not specifically say so, but this logic suggests he would have supported punishing Quakers who were led by the inner light to go naked in public. Roger Williams supported compulsory militia service in Rhode Island when war threatened in the 1670's and prosecuted pacifist dissenters from military service.
8. Racial Equality
Roger Williams believed that all human beings were equal in the eyes of God. He carried out this belief throughout his life in his dealings with the Indians. His own words say it best. "Nature knows no difference between Europe and Americans in blood, birth, bodies etc. God having of one blood made all mankind... " That statement, and the following poem are from the Key Into the Language of America.
"Boast not, proud English, of thy birth and blood,
Thy brother Indian is by birth as good. Of one blood God made him, and thee and all. As wise, as fair, as strong, as personal.
By nature wrath's his portion, thine no more
Till Grace his soul and thine in Christ restore.
Make sure thy second birth, else shalt thou see
Heaven open to Indians wild, but shut to thee."
Source: The Legacy of Roger Williams Study Guide: A Project Commemorating the Tercentenary of His Death, sponsored by the Rhode Island Committee for the Humanities, 1983.

Wednesday, June 11, 2014

Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline

Opportunity or disaster.  Which will it be?
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"Over my dead body"

Last week, in anticipation of the federal government's decision on the controversial Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline, scientist Dr. Andrew S. Wright reflected on the immense promise of the oil sands/tar sands and the lost opportunity to develop the resource in a responsible, environmentally and socially conscious manner. 

"Envision a responsible oil sands development discourse," Wright begins. In my "In my mind the basic tenets would be:
  •  Treat all engaged citizens with respect.
  •  Governmental trust and transparency.
  •  Hold companies to account with rigorous environmental conditions and    equitable tax royalties.
  •  Utilize royalties to transition to a renewable energy-based economy with the balance of reserves used judiciously for critical transportation, product, fertilizer and medicine production into the deep future.
Then perhaps we can have a very different Canadian conversation, a conversation filled with promise. But we seem fixated upon rapid liquidation of the asset at the expense of all other options. Naturally, concerned citizens and First Nations have raised their voices and are prepared to take a stand. The net result is a moribund economy caught in the oil sands’ curse. This is a failure, because in an era of climate change, we could have taken a leadership position in which oil sands’ resources would have been developed in a manner complimentary to a low-carbon growth economy."

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Copyright © 2014 The Vancouver Observer, All rights reserved.

Sunday, June 8, 2014

Insanity and Crimes: The Great Barrier Reef and 5 million tons of sediment

Reef Madness

Coral and fish at the Great Barrier Reef off the coast of Australia, April 2007.
The Great Barrier Reef is a World Heritage Site but has been in severe decline for decades.
Courtesy of Taso Viglas/Flickr
Late last year, the Australian government approved a plan to expand a coal terminal at Abbot Point in Queensland, one of five major ports along the Great Barrier Reef coastline.
The project involves dredging approximately 5 million tons of sediment from the seabed to deepen the port. The resulting material will be dumped 25 kilometers out to sea, inside the boundaries of the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park. The park authority claims that the approval is subject to 47 strict environmental conditions that will protect the reef from damage.
Environmentalists, not surprisingly, are up in arms. Some claim that the dredge material is toxic and that it will be dumped directly on to the reef. Neither claim is true—the material is just sand, silt, and clay, and will be dumped on to bare seabed. But that doesn’t mean that the project won’t damage the reef. Far from it.
The Great Barrier Reef is a World Heritage Site but has been in severe decline for decades. For many species and ecosystems—corals, seagrass, dugongs, turtles, and fish including sharks—the situation is dire.
The causes of decline are well known: pollution from coastal development and agricultural run-off, coral diseases, ocean acidification, coral bleaching, and increasingly severe storms.
Water pollution is a particularly serious threat. Suspended sediment makes the water murkier, which can deprive sunlight-dependent organisms such as coral and seagrass of food. Farm run-off also increases the population of crown-of-thorns starfish, which prey on coral.
At present, the only measure in place to reduce pollution is an agricultural run-off scheme, which is quite successful but also quite limited. There is nothing to specifically manage sediment from port development.
Nonetheless, the Australian government claims that the Abbot Point project will not affect water quality. In fact, when environment minister Greg Hunt announced the plan, he said it would improve water quality. The government expects to achieve this with an “offset” program that will stop farm run-off from entering the Coral Sea.
If that sounds too good to be true, that’s because it is. Such improvements to water quality are likely to be impossible.
To offset Abbot Point’s 5 million tons of dredge spoil will require an equivalent reduction in agricultural sediment over the approximately five years that the project will run. Given that the total sediment reaching the Great Barrier Reef from human activities on land is only 6 million tons a year, that is a tall order.
In addition, the rules require that the offset must come from the watersheds of just two rivers, the Burdekin and Don, which together contribute less than 3 million tons of sediment a year. Reducing their discharge by 5 million tons over five years implies restoring them to almost pristine conditions, requiring the removal of most agriculture—obviously an impossible and undesirable situation.
The Great Barrier Reef, seen from the International Space Station.
The Great Barrier Reef, seen from the International Space Station.
Photo by NASA
A further complication is that the offset sediment must consist only of particles smaller than 15 micrometers across. Given our limited knowledge of particle size distribution in agricultural run-off, this creates immense technical hurdles.
Finally, based on the cost of the existing farm run-off scheme, the overall cost may be as much as $1 billion Australian. The minister’s statement only mentioned funding of $89 million Australian.
If that weren’t bad enough, three other large Queensland ports—Cairns, Townsville, and Hay Point—are also planning major expansions over the next decade. Another, Gladstone, has been undergoing expansion since 2010.
From the public documents available, I estimate that these projects will generate a total of up to 150 million tons of dredge spoil at a rate of 15 million tons a year. To offset the impacts of all these port developments is even less achievable.
Even more port expansion is likely in the future. The recent approval of a large coal mine near Alpha, Queensland, will require further dredging at Abbot Point that is not accounted for in the current project.
If dredging is not managed well, I expect severe degradation of the reef as a result. Seagrass beds, the dugongs and turtles that rely on them, and inshore coral reefs will be severely damaged.
There are a few encouraging signs of improvement, however. Hunt has ordered that in the future, Gladstone’s spoil will have to be dumped behind bund walls rather than offshore. Spoil from the expansion of the port of Cairns may be dumped on land.
Nonetheless, it is clear that under the current regime, management of port development is not compatible with the Great Barrier Reef’s World Heritage values.
On top of that, neither the Australian nor Queensland governments have effective climate policies that would help protect the reef; the Queensland government rejects the scientific evidence of climate change, and the position of the Australian government is ambivalent.
So of the three big threats to the Great Barrier Reef—climate change, coastal development, and agricultural pollution—only the final problem is being managed on the basis of good science, and then only to some extent.
There is another way. At Abbot Point, dredging could be avoided altogether by building a long jetty into deeper water. If dredging must happen, the spoil could be dumped behind container walls. It is inexcusable that these options have been rejected: The decision has clearly been made to expedite the project at the least cost to the developer but maximum cost to the environment.
This article originally appeared in New Scientist.

Jon Brodie is the chief research scientist at the Centre for Tropical Water & Aquatic Ecosystem Research at James Cook University in Townsville, Australia.

Saturday, June 7, 2014

Journal of the proceedings of the commissioners appointed to treat with the southern Indians [with accompanying] letter[s], 1785 [to] 1786


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Document: TCC794

Journal of the proceedings of the commissioners appointed to treat with the southern Indians [with accompanying] letter[s], 1785 [to] 1786


date: 1785 -- 1786
extent: 22p
summary: This is a copy of a journal of the proceedings between the United States commissioners appointed to treat with the southern Indians, Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martin, and Lachlan McIntosh, and those Indian groups themselves, the Cherokees, Choctaws, and Chickasaws. The journal entries run from January 7, 1786 to January 15, 1786 and document negotiation talks between the commissioners and Chickasaw leaders such as Piomingo. Included are copies of correspondence between Colonel William Blount, agent for the state of North Carolina, and the commissioners, dated November 1785. Blount expresses his opposition to the federal commissioners' treaty with the Cherokees (ostensibly the Treaty of Hopewell, November 28, 1785), arguing that it violates the North Carolina constitution. A copy of a letter from the commissioners to Governor William Moultrie of South Carolina, dated February 6, 1786, is also included in this document. The commissioners inform Moultrie that they have entered into treaties with the Cherokees, Choctaws, and Chickasaws and encourage him to adhere to the terms of these treaties and previous ones, specifically requesting that Indian children that are being held in slavery by a man named Andrew Williamson be returned to their families. Treaties relative to this document include the one mentioned above, the Treaty of Hopewell with the Choctaw, January 3, 1786, and the Treaty of Hopewell with the Chickasaw, January 10, 1786.
repository: Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library, The University of Georgia Libraries
collection: Telamon Cuyler
box: 61
folder: 06
document: 01
subject headings:
  • Legal documents
  • Chickasaw Indians--Treaties
  • Choctaw Indians--Treaties
  • Choctaw Indians--Government relations
  • Chickasaw Indians--Government relations
  • Cherokee Indians--Government relations
  • United States. War Dept.
  • Cherokee Indians--Treaties
  • Child slaves
  • Indian agents
  • Southern States

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    Hopewell the 7th. of Jany [January] -- 1786
    The Commissioners plenepetentiary [plenipotentiary] of the United Statesin Congress assembled appointed to treat with the Cherokeesand all other Indians southward of them within the limits of the United States, Assembled
    Present -- Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickinsand Joseph Martin --
    from the State of North CarolinaWilliam BlountEsqr. [Esquire] Agent --
    James ColeInterpreter -- .
    The Commissioners were informed that the leading Chiefs of the Chickasawswith their followers had arrived, and were desirous of seeing the Commissioners, and entering [deleted: in the] [added: upon their] business as early as practicable -- that they had been long on the path, and detained by the villainy of the Cherokees, some of whom had stolen several of their horses -- They were introduced and expressed a most friendly [deleted: regard] disposition towards the United States, and an earnest desire of entering into a treaty of peace and protection with them -- The Commissioners after explaining the object of their commission informed the Chiefs that they would on Monday or as early as would be convenient for them enter upon business --
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    January 9th -- Present as on the 7th --
    The leading Chiefs attended at 10 oClock, & after some friendly conversation, The commissioners addressed the leading Chiefs as follows -- viz --
    "Leading Chiefs who represent the Chickasaws --
    We are the Commissioners plenipotentiary from the United Statesin Congress assembled, who sent an invitation to you the Leading Chiefs, who represent the Chickasawsto meet us at this place -- To give you peace, and to receive you into the favour [favor] and protection of the United States -- and to remove as far as may be all causes of future quarrels [deleted: and] [added: or] contentions. That you, your wives, and [added: your] children may be happy, and feel and know the blessings of the new change of sovereignty over this land which you & us inhabit -- "
    "This humane and generous act of the United Stateswill no doubt be received by all the Chickasawswith joy and gladness, and held in grateful remembrance, particularly as it flows unsolicited from their Justice, their humanity and their attention to the rights of human nature -- "
    "on our [added: own] parts, we sincerely wish you to live as happily
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    as we do ourselves, and to promote that happiness as far as in our power, regardless of any distinction of who we, or of any differences in our customs, or manners, or particular situation, and as a proof of the sincerity of our declarations, we propose to enter into articles of a treaty as equal as may be and conformable to what we now tell you"
    After this address the Chiefs were told that at some future period the occurrences of the late war & the extent of territory within the United Stateswould be fully explained to them -- to which Piomingoreplied he wished to hear every thing intended to be communicated to him, prior to his talks -- the whole was accordingly explained, and apparently to their satisfaction and comprehension -- The draught [draft] of the treaty was also explained, with which they seemed to acquiesce most heartily --
    The leading Chiefs then in turn, addressed the Commissioners --
    Piomingo -- The period has arrived that I have visited you, to see you, and to regulate every thing that respects us -- These beads are our credentials of peace & friendship and two of us have come to bring the talks of the nation -- These white beads are of little value but in our nation, where they are kept even by our children with veneration
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    as tokens of peace and friendship -- When I take you by the hands, the day will never come, that [illegible] will brake [break] my hold. Although I may not be eloquent, yet I wish my talks to be as much esteemed as if I was, it being my sincere desire that what I say may be construed most friendly - my talks are not long, and I hope when you see these beads, you will remember my friendship
    Eight strands of beads
    [unclear: Mingatushka]
    The day is come when I have met you to talk with you, and I am well pleased, and now you shall hear what I have to say --
    I have come to see you, and you are not strangers to us -- you are a white people, I claim as our oldest and first brothers -- these beads in my hand are a token of friendship, and I hope friendly Ideas will arise in your minds whenever you see them -- My predecessor loved you white people in his time and I mean to do the same. Our two old leading Men are dead and we two come as their successors in business -- with the same friendly talks as they had, which were always friendly -- Although our old king and leading man is dead, we wish their friendly talks may live and be remembered with you as with us, and for that principle we come to renew them --
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    I hope when your children and our children grow up, they will remember the old peace & friendship of this day, and strictly adhere to it -- This is the day I have come to see you, and I have been informed of the peace of the United States of Americawith all nations, and I am glad of it, and with sincerity it may long continue -- The substance of my talks is done and when we red people talk we give beads as a proof of friendship, and I give these -- my talks are short and true -- where people are prolix they sometimes are false -- a string of beads --
    Piomingo
    I now represent [unclear: Letopoia] -- he is a particular man, when he gives his word or acquiescence he never lets go, and this is his belt -- he and I are related, our sentiments are the same -- our talks are short, but his token of friendship is great --
    a broad belt of wampum --
    our talks are done our predecessors are dead, and we come and give in our talks, and now we will hear further from you --
    [unclear: Mingastushka]
    This great man of our nation who wore this medal I show you is dead -- and I am his nephew, and
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    a leader -- on the death of this great man, he left a daughter who took care of this medal, and she judged it was proper when I came that I should bring it that you might see it and know such a thing belonged to our family, & accordingly she and her mother sent it --
    Piomingo --
    You see this, now / pointing to the medal / it was worn by our great man, he is dead, and his daughter sent it for you to see it: I take place as head leading warrior of the nation to treat with all nations --
    Commissioners --
    We are glad you remember with pleasure the virtues of your old and worthy predecessors, & we are pleased that the daughter of one of them has sent us this medal, with the reasons for so doing -- in return we will give you some present for her --
    As you are well pleased with the draught [draft] of our treaty, we shall prepare two copies thereof to be signed tomorrow -- the one for you -- the other for the Congress --
    When the first article was read, the Chief Piomingosaid he had no prisoners of ours in his nation, or property of any kind -- to the [illegible] in the third article he at first seemed much exposed, but on being assured by the Commissioners that they were not
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    desirous of getting his land, and that all that would be necessary for the United Statesas a trading post, would be five or six miles square, he readily acquiesced, & marked the circle on the map, describing its diameter to be five miles, and remarked at the same time that the lands on the north of the river was fine for cultivation and grazing and he would have no objection to our using what we might think proper for the conveniency of the traders --
    Jany [January] 10th. 1786 --
    The Commissioners produced two copies of the draught [draft] agreed on and a map of the lands in question, partly drawn by themselves and partly by the Indians- and instead of agreeing to the line between the respective tribes, they dotted only with black ink, which the Chief observed, and said he wished Congress would point out his lands to him, he wanted to know his own -- the line was then extended as in the third article, and the Commrs [Commissioners] told the Chiefs that they must agree with the neighbouring [neighboring] tribes respecting their boundary, and that then Congress would send a white man to be present with the Indians & see them mark it --
    The treaty was then read over again and every article explained with great attention, and the Indians acquiesced with them, and at the [unclear: close] the
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    Commissioners asked if they comprehended the whole and were willing to sign, they answered yes, and that it was all straight, meaning it was proper & satisfactory to them. It was then signed, but previous thereto, the Agent of North Carolinadelivered a letter to the Commissioners, referring them to his former letters to them respecting the conflictional [conflictual] claims of North Carolinato all the lands within the bounds described in their bill of rights -- He also gave in his protest against the treaty --
    The Commissioners informed the Chief, that on tomorrow, in pursuance of the humane and liberal views of Congress, they would make them some presents for their use and comfort --
    Jany [January] 12th --
    Present as yesterday --
    It being very wet and rainy the Chiefs postponed receiving the presents till tomorrow -- In the evening the principal Warrior Piomingovisited the Commissioners, and addressed them as follows -- viz --
    I am now going to inform you of the situation of the white people in our land -- There are a great many of them who have numerous stocks of cattle and horses, and they are not traders or of any advantage to us -- And where a white man comes
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    they, without our permission, or even asking of it, build a house for him, and settle him among us. I do not wish to be cross to them, or do them an injury, and I desire they may go in peace with their stocks to their own lands. [illegible] people as they are should go to their own lands -- they are of no use to us but on the contrary very injurious. If they were traders, I should be pleased [deleted: with] [added: at] their being with us. They are not those in our towns only, who have stocks, but some are settled out thirty & forty miles, who keep cattle and horses; and if an Indian horse or colt should get among their stocks, they brand him and claim him to the injury of the owner -- [added: some pedlars [peddlers] come also to us, who are a pest, as they steal more than they purchase of our horses.] If we had merchant traders, who would set down with us, and trade properly, I should be pleased with it. Such men would be a valuable acquisition to us, as they would supply us our necessary wants, in exchange for our property -- You, the Commissioners have told me, that we shall be properly supplied with goods, and I depend on their promise -- Such men as come properly to trade with us, will be very welcome, & every thing we have is at their service -- but the class of settlers we now have, are a pest, and I wish they would go with their property, to their own lands, and enjoy it --
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    Commissioners
    Your remarks are very proper. You have in an article of the treaty provided against a repetition of the abuse -- and you will have the right to punish these if you think proper -- We shall send the treaty and all our talks with you to Congress, and they will issue a proclamation, warning the white people of their danger, and this will be communicated by some person to the chiefs of all the southern tribes -- When you return, you may by our Interpreter communicate the article of the treaty respecting these people, that they may see their situation --
    Jany [January] 12th --
    Present as yesterday --
    Piomingo, addressed the Commissioners as follows --
    The people I complained of last night, I imagine will not pay attention to what I say respecting their removal -- [deleted: my talk is a short one, I am only desirous that Col [Colonel] Martin] and I wish that Col [Colonel] Martinwould come and see them removed -- my talk is a short one -- I am only desirous that Col [Colonel] Martinmay come and adjust every thing between the red people and white people --
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    The ChickasawChiefs had informed the Commissioners, that on the way hither they saw two companies of Creeksgoing to Cumberlandto plunder the citizens, and very probably to get some scalps -- that Piomingorepresented to them the injustice of the act, as well as their folly. & expressly told them that the white people on Cumberland& their property was equally dear to him with his own -- and that although the Creekswere numerous compared with the Chickasaws, yet if they continued to rob and plunder on his lands, his own or the hunters and traders of the white people, he would take such steps as would be proper --
    The Commissioners then distributed presents among the Chiefs and Indians amounting including the goods to purchase provisions to [blank on page] dollars, they were perfectly satisfied with the presents, and the treatment they met, and expressed their gratitude for it -- and prepared to set out to their own nation -- In the evening the Cherokeesgave the Chief a proof of their Ingenuity in robbing of packs, as well as stealing horses -- two of them robbed the Chief of all his presents, and the goods given to purchase
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    provisions, and within sight of the Chickasaws. The Commissioners issued a proclamation offering a reward for the goods and the robbers, and sent runners to the neighbouring [neighboring] towns to proclaim the same, as well as to call on the chiefs to interpose immediately & apprehend the robbers, and send them to Hopewellto be punished --
    Jany [January] 15th --
    The Chief of [unclear: Chatugeh] with three young men bought the goods, and informed the Commissioners that they had pursued the robbers, and endeavoured [endeavored] to apprehend them, but could not -- that they came up with them, and fired at them & wounded one --
    The Commissioners paid the reward and told the Chief that they had done very properly and that in future he should be noticed for his attention to their order, and prompt execution of it --
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    Copy --
    The first letter from Col. [Colonel] Blountwith an extract from the Constitution of N. [North] Carolina --
    Hopewellon KeoweeNovr [November] 22d 1785 --
    Gentlemen
    Having yesterday had the honor to lay before you my Commission as agent on the part of North Carolina, I now consider it my duty to call your attention to the following extract from the Constitution of that State, which was agreed to and published to the world on the 18th day of December in the year 1776 --
    "The property of the soil in a free Government being one of the essential rights of the collective body of the people it is necessary in order to avoid future disputes that the limits of the State should be ascertained with precision, and as the former temporary line between North& South Carolinawas confirmed and extended by Commissioners appointed by the Legislature of the two states, agreeable to the order of the late King George the Second, in Council: That line & that only should
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    be esteemed the southern boundary of this State, that is to say -- beginning on the sea side at a cedar stake at or near the mouth of the little river(being southern boundary of Brunswick County) and running from thence a north west course through the boundary house which stands in thirty three degrees fifty six minutes, to thirty five degrees North Latitude -- and from thence a west course so far as is mentioned in the charter of King Charles the Secondto the late proprietors of Carolina -- therefore all the territory, seas, waters, and harbours [harbors] with their appurtenances lying between the line above described, & the south line of the State of Virginia, which begins on the sea shore in thirty six degrees thirty minutes North Latitude, and from thence runs west agreeable to the said Charter of King Charles, are the right and property of the people of this State to be held in sovereignty -- " And to remark to you that years after, the State of North Carolinawas received into & signed the articles of Confederation -- --

    I have the honor to be your most Obedt. humb Sert [Obedient humble Servant]signed --
    [Signed] Wm [William] Blount -- agent for the state of No [North] Carolina
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    to -- Benjn. [Benjamin] Hawkins -- Andrew Pickens -- Joseph Martinand Lachlan McIntoshEsqrs [Esquires] -- Commissioners for negotiating with the southern Indians --
    Copy --
    Second letter and protest of Col: [Colonel] Blountand Agent for North Carolinato the Commrs. [Commissioners] and their answer to his correspondence --


    Hopewellon Keowee Novr [November] 28th 1785 --
    Gentlemen --
    The State of North Carolinahave at this time a law in force and use, allotting the lands contained in the following bounds to the Cherokee Indians -- beginning on the Tennessee riverwhere the southern boundary of the State of North Carolinaintersects the same nearest the ChickamawgaTowns, thence up the middle of the Ten[added: n]esseeand Holston rivers to the middle of French broad river, thence up the middle of the said French broad river(which lines are not to include any Island)
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    "to the mouth of big pigeon river, thence up the same to the head thereof, thence along the dividing ridge between the waters of pigeon riverand Tuckasega riverto the said southern boundary, thence west with the said boundary to the beginning" --
    Should you by treaty fix any other other boundaries than the before mentioned within the limits of the said State of North Carolina, between the said Cherokee Indiansand her citizens, that State will consider such treaty a violation and infringement upon her legislative rights -- The lands contained within the limits of Davidson Countywhich begins on Cumberland riverwhere the northern boundary of the said State of North Carolinafirst intersects the same, thence south fifty five miles, thence west to the Tenessee river -- thence down the Tenesseeto the said northern boundary, thence west with the said boundary to the beginning, have been appropriated by the State of North Carolinato the payment of the bounties of land, promised the officers and soldiers of the Continental line of that State, and it is said that the militia in that county are in number about seven hundred. And the State of North Carolinahave sold to [unclear: her] Citizens for a valuable consideration
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    Several millions of acres of the land, Situate, lying and being between the Mississippiand the line as fixed by Col [Colonel] Christieand others in the year 1777 and without the limits of Davidson County, on which lands several thousand people are settled --

    I have the honor to be your most obedient humble servant signed --
    [Signed] Wm [William] Blount -- agent for North Carolina --
    Benjamin Hawkins --
    Andrew Pickens
    Joseph Martin& Lachlan McIntosh -- Esqrs. [Esquires] Commissioners for treating with the Southern Indians --
    A copy of Col. [Colonel] Blounts protest --
    The underwritten Agent on the part of the State of North Carolina, protests against the treaty at this instant about to be signed and entered into between Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martinand Lachlan McIntoshCommissioners on the part of the United Statesand the Cherokee Indianson the other part, as containing several stipulations which
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    infringe and violate the legislative rights of the State --


    Hopewellon Keowee Novr. [November] 28th. 1785
    [Signed] Wm [William] Blount --
    Copy of the Commissioners answer to Col [Colonel] Blounts letters and protest --


    Hopewellon Keowee the 28th of Novr [November] -- 1785

    Sir
    We received your letters of the 22d of Novr. [November] with an extract from the constitution of your State declarative of the limits thereof -- of the 28th inclosing [enclosing] an abstract of an act allotting certain lands to the Indians of the Cherokee Nation, and your protest of the same date against the treaty entered into between the Commissioners of the United States of Americaand all the Cherokees, which we shall transmit to Congress --
    We enclose two articles of the treaty to you which we hope as Agent of the State of North Carolinayou will take measures to see executed -- so far as the same may respect the citizens of that State; or the faith of the Commissioners pledged for the [unclear: restoration] of the prisoners now held there -- We are informed
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    that the late Governor Martinmade an unsuccessful effort to restore them, and that there are five, three Girls and two boys in the possession of General [unclear: McDowell] and Colonel Miller -- We are certain that a Steady adherence to the treaty alone can improve confidence in the Justice of Congress and remove all causes of future contention or quarrels -- the [unclear: local] policy of Some States is certainly much opposed to federal measures which can only in our opinion make us respectable abroad and happy at home --

    We are [added: with] due respect Sir Your most obedient and humble Servants -- [Signed] B: [Benjamin] Hawkins
    [Signed] A: [Andrew] Pickens
    [Signed] J: [Joseph] Martin
    [Signed] L: [Lachlan] McIntosh --

    The Honble. [Honorable] Col [Colonel] BlountEsqr [Esquire] --
    Agent for North Carolina --
    The two Articles enclosed are the Second & fourth --
    Page: [20]   [djvu image | jpg image]


    Charlestown the 6th Feby. [February] 1786
    Sir
    The commissioners for Indian affairs have entered into treaties with the Cherokees, Choctawsand Chickasaws, which we Shall Send forward to the United Statesin Congress assembled for their approbation -- As the Second & third Articles with the Cherokeesmay in Some measure immediately affect the citizens of this State, we have it in command to communicate them to your Excellency --
    The Indians complain of a violation of your treaty with them at [illegible] corner, and charge the citizens of this state with Surveying their lands to the westward of your boundary with them -- and on enquiry we find the charge to be true --
    They also inform us that two of their children are now in the possession of Andrew Williamson, late Brigadier General of Ninety Six district, and probably held by him in Slavery --
    We are of opinion that a Steady adherence to the treaties will insure [ensure] confidence in
    Page: [21]   [djvu image | jpg image]
    the Justice of Congress, and that a disposition in the adjoining states to carry the treaties into effect will make the Indians happy in the new change of Sovereignty and in constant amity with us --

    We have the honor to be Sir Your Excellency's most obedient Servant [Signed] Benjamin Hawkins
    [Signed] Andrew Pickens --

    His Excellency
    Wm [William] MoultrieEsqr [Esquire] --
    Governor of
    South Carolina --


    Page: [22]   [djvu image | jpg image]
    Treaty
    1786
    Copy --
    Journal of the proceedings of the Commissioners appointed to treat with the Southern Indians --
    Jany. [January] 7th -- 1786 --
    The first letter from Col Blountto the Commrs. [Commissioners] with an extract from the Constitution of N. [North] Carolina
    The Second letter from Col: [Colonel] Blountand his protest -- The Commrs. [Commissioners] answer --
    Letter from the Commrs. [Commissioners] to Govr. [Governor] of South Carolina --


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  • Redbird and Will: You will apprehend the murderors [murderers] on your part & have them punished]


    Server S | A GALILEO Digital Library of Georgia Database

    Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842 New Search/Browse About DjVu Images

    Document: GS039

    Letter, 1797 Mar. 28, Knoxville, [Tennessee to] the warriors and cheifs [sic] of the Cherokee Nation / John Sevier


    author: Sevier, John, 1745-1815 [Tennessee. Governor (1796-1801 : Sevier)]
    date: March 28, 1797
    extent: 4p
    summary: This document is a letter addressed to the warriors and chiefs of the Cherokee Nation, written by Tennessee Governor John Sevier (1796-1801, 1803-1809 ) on March 28, 1797. Sevier reports that he has been requested by the Governor of Kentucky to have the two Tennessee citizens who murdered Red Bird and another Cherokee apprehended and sent to Kentucky to be tried for their crime. Sevier states that he has sent forth orders in compliance with this request, and he is now urging the Cherokee leaders to capture those from amongst their people who were responsible for the murders of several white citizens. Sevier warns the Cherokees about the dangers of bringing about a war, which could be the consequence of further acts of aggression between the citizens of the United States and those of the Cherokee Nation.
    repository: Tennessee State Library and Archives, Nashville, Tenn.
    collection: Governor Sevier
    box: 1
    folder: 3
    document: tl039
    subject headings:
  • Letters
  • Cherokee Indians--Government relations
  • Cherokee Indians--Violence against
  • Tennessee
  • Kentucky

    Page: [1]   [djvu image | jpg image]

    Knoxville 28 March 1797
    Brothers
    I have recd. [received] an express from the Governor of Kentucky which informs me that two men Citizens of the State of Tennessee, [added: has] murdered two men of your nation (one of the name of Red Bird. ) This murder was committed within the bounds and State of Kentucky, and the Governor thereof has demanded of me to send them into that State to be tryed [tried] for the murder agreably [agreeably] to the laws of the [deleted: that] State -- I have sent forth orders to have the Murderors [Murderers] taken, and when taken to be immeadiately [immediately] sent to Kentuckyin order that they may [deleted: receive their] [added: be] tryed [tried], and receive [deleted: their] [added: the] punishment [added: due their crime] if found Guilty -- now my brothers you have had time enough to find out the persons that have killed the [added: several] people belonging to the state of tennessee, one has been Killed and another wounded on the Kentucky
    Page: [2]   [djvu image | jpg image]
    road Since I wrote you before; I therefore request and demand of you, that you have those Murderors [Murderers] apprehended and punished Agreably [Agreeably] to the treaty entered into between your nation And the United States. I am determined to have the white transgressors taken and punished if it Can be done, And I shall expect [added: You will apprehend the murderors [murderers] on your part & have them punished] [deleted: it will be the Case with your nation] -- let us convince Such disorderly people, that they Shall not be the Cause of Sheding [Shedding] the blood of innocent people And bringing about a War, which never fails to produce very fatal and disagreable [disagreeable] event
    [deleted: I have frequently Wrote you the disadvantages a war would]
    I have frequently informed you how disagreable [disagreeable] A War would be to the white people [added: of this State] And the United Statesin General, and also the dangerous consequences, that in all probability might and would attend your nation Should Such an [deleted: thing take] event take place --
    I hope your nation will consider well the dangerous consequences, and put a [added: final] Stop to the further effusion of blood, otherways [otherwise] I am a fraid [afraid] it will
    Page: [3]   [djvu image | jpg image]
    tend to bring about Very disagreable [disagreeable] events, which [deleted: it] is the wish of this government to prevent

    Your friend
    [Signed] John Sevier

    The Warriors & Cheifs [Chiefs]
    of the Cherokee Nation


    Page: [4]   [djvu image | jpg image]
    Letter to the Cherokees
    28 March 1797 --
    No [Number] 10
    Recorded
    I will thank the Secy. [Secretary] to make out the copy early this morng. [morning] having an opportunity to Send it to the Nation --


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  • William Holland Thomas : Until my return Robert Collins will receive the toll on the Oconalufta Turnpike


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    Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842 New Search/Browse About DjVu Images

    Document: WT065

    [Letter] 1839 Sept. 28, Washington City, D.C. [to] H. P. King, Qualla Town [i.e., Quallatown], N[orth] C[arolina] / W[illiam] H[olland] T[homas]


    author: Thomas, William Holland, 1805-1893
    date: September 28, 1839
    extent: 1p
    summary: This is a letter to H. P. King at the Quallatown store from William H. Thomas, dated September 28, 1839. Thomas gives King instructions in handling business matters while he is delayed in Washington, D.C. and informs King about the status of the Eastern Cherokee claims.
    repository: Hoskins Special Colections Library, University of Tennessee, Knoxville
    collection: MS2058 William Holland Thomas
    box: 1
    folder: 1
    document: wt065
    subject headings:
  • Letters
  • Cherokee Indians--Claims
  • Cherokee Indians--Government relations
  • Stores, Retail
  • North Carolina

    Page: [1]   [djvu image | jpg image]


    Washington City DC Friday Sept. 20, 1839

    H. P. Kingpm [postmaster]
    Qualla TownNC
    Dear sir
    The Commissioner of Indian Affairs had not yet reconsidered the claim for commutation of removal and subsistence will the first of next week should he decide to allow the claim I will start home immediately afterwards but should he decide against I will then take an appeal to the Secretary of War in which case I may be detained until the middle of next month. I would have employed a lawyer here to attend to my business and returned home but have been unable to find any who seem to know any thing of the Cherokeetreaties. By remaining I am of opinion I shall gain the claim which amounts in the aggregate to to about $55,000.00., but should I loose [lose] it I shall then have discharged my duty as any one [anyone] should do who has business confided to him.
    Until my return Robert Collins will receive the toll on the Oconalufta Turnpike road and keep it in repair unless you have prior to the receipt of this letter employed some other person.
    As previously stated have the teams put in order and have the hauling done as you have previously been instructed. Say to Mr. [unclear: Hefley]that my reliance is on him in that respect and if he manages well for me in my absence I will not forget him when I return home. Keep a close calculation of all expenditures and make none [illegible]. As you collect in money pay off the debts against the store as you have been previously instructed. When the hauling is done I have directed and the teams are reunited and rested should you have nothing else for them to do they will proceed to Augustaafter a load of salt with such produce as you may have on hand. Supply mother with whatever she may need and say to her I am well and inform her of the above cause of my delay here. Attend to her [unclear: seeding]. and furnish [illegible] for the Indians. if any money paid by Samual Sherrill& Hyatthave it paid on my debts.

    yours &c [et cetera]
    [Signed] WHT [William Holland Thomas]

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