Showing posts with label Poverty. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Poverty. Show all posts

Thursday, December 11, 2014

Mingo WVA Community Requested Foreign Aid From Russia

America’s Bloodiest Tunnel

DINGESS, West Virginia — Hidden deep within the coal filled Appalachian Mountains of Southern West Virginia rests a forgotten land that is older than time itself.  Its valleys are deep, its waters polluted and its terrain is as rough as the rugged men and women who have occupied these centuries old plats for thousands of years.
The region is known as “Bloody Mingo” and for decades the area has been regarded as one of the most murderous areas in all of American history.
The haunted mountains of this territory have been the stage of blood baths too numerous to number, including those of the famed Hatfield’s and McCoy’s, Matewan Massacre and the Battle of Blair Mountain.  Even the county’s sheriff was murdered this past spring, while eating lunch in his vehicle.
Tucked away in a dark corner of this remote area is an even greater anomaly – a town, whose primary entrance is a deserted one lane train tunnel nearly 4/5 of a mile long.
The story of this town’s unique entrance dates back nearly a century and a half ago, back to an era when coal mining in West Virginia was first becoming profitable.
For generations, the people of what is now Mingo County, West Virginia, had lived quiet and peaceable lives, enjoying the fruits of the land, living secluded within the tall and unforgiving mountains surrounding them.
All of this changed, however, with the industrial revolution, as the demand for coal soared to record highs.
Soon outside capital began flowing into “Bloody Mingo” and within a decade railroads had linked the previously isolated communities of southern West Virginia to the outside world.
The most notorious of these new railways was Norfolk & Western’s line between Lenore and Wayne County – a railroad that split through the hazardous and lawless region known as “Twelve Pole Creek.”
At the heart of Twelve Pole Creek, railroad workers forged a 3,300 foot long railroad tunnel just south of the community of Dingess.
As new mines began to open, destitute families poured into Mingo County in search of labor in the coal mines.  Among the population of workers were large numbers of both African-Americans and Chinese emigrants.
Despising outsiders, and particularly the thought of dark skinned people moving into what had long been viewed as a region exclusively all their own, residents of Dingess, West Virginia, are said to have hid along the hillsides just outside of the tunnel’s entrance, shooting any dark skinned travelers riding aboard the train.
Though no official numbers were ever kept, it has been estimated that hundreds of black and Chinese workers were killed at the entrance and exits of this tunnel.
Norfolk & Western soon afterward abandonment the Twelve Pole line. Within months two forces of workmen began removing the tracks, ties, and accessory facilities.
Soon, silence soon reigned in the rugged mountains overlooking the area. Gone were the whistles of locomotives and the rumble of cars.  Nothing but long, winding bed of cinders, a few decayed ties, several steel bridges remained.
For decades the skeletal remains of Norfolk & Western’s failed railway line stood as a silent testimony to the region’s ghostly ways. 
In the early 1960’s, however, the resourceful men of the mountains commandeered the former railroad line and built upon its beds a road for motorists to travel upon.
Unfortunately, residents of this impoverished region failed to secure funding from the state’s legislature to improve the tunnel and bridges, thus today – over half a century later – residents of this community are forced to drive atop countless one lane train bridges and a nearly mile long one lane tunnel.
To the residents of this community, such a drive is just another part of their daily routine, however, for visitors unfamiliar with the thought of driving through a one lane tunnel with a fifty ton coal truck at the other end, such an experience can be a rush, to say the least.
One writer said the following of his experience driving through the Dingess Tunnel:
“Locals state that proper usage is to turn lights on, indicating that you are entering the tunnel. Drivers from the other end know not to enter if lights are on. We saw an 18 wheeler tanker go through while there, but it is a tight fit. Water drips from the top and one can barely see as it takes a while for eyes to adjust. Locals state that the roadway was dirt up until a couple of years ago and had deep holes in it. Now it is paved, but no lighting.”

Sunday, January 26, 2014

Calory Count and Minimum Wage: The real cost of being poor



Nutrition and Productivity
Bhijit Banerjee

Department of Economics, M.I.T.


1       A simple theory of nutrition and productivity
The capacity curve (fig1)
•        The capacity curve: It relates income and work capacity (productivity)
          Higher income → better nutrition.
          Better nutrition: first used by the body for the basic metabolism. Then only it translates in higher capacity.
          As a result, the work capacity is convex, and it intersects the 45 degree line from below.

The Piece-wage schedule (fig2)
•        The piece wage schedule
—     The amount of income you get for each task you perform
3
—: v1 >v ∗ >v
—There is a wage v ∗ at which the body ”breaks even” → it creates a discontinuity in the labor supply.
Discontinuous labor supply (fig3)
•        The individual labor supply jumps
•        We can now draw the aggregate labor supply.

Equilibrium (fig3)
•        Introduce a labor demand curve.
•        What happens if the labor supply cross the labor demand in the gap?
•        There is involuntary unemployment Definition= A person is involuntarily unemployed if he cannot find employment in a market which does employ a person very similar to him and if the latter person, by virtue of his employment in this market is distinctly better off than him.
•        The vicious circle is complete: low wage leads to reduced work capacity, which closes access to employment.

1.1 The effect of non-labor income (fig4)
•        In what direction do assets move the capacity curve?
•        Who is more likely to be employed: the rich or the poor?
•        Who earns a larger wage income if both are employed?

The vicious circle of inequality: the functioning of the labor market magnifies assets inequality.
1.2 The effect of redistributing wealth
•        Imagine individuals are ranked by land holding (fig 5)
•        m have no land.

Who will work (fig6)
Definition: Minimum wage such that an individual can or want to work.

•        Capacity curve and labor supply.
•        what is the minimum wage at which someone can work?
•        Labor supply for capacity to work: the minimum wage necessary decreases with wealth
•       
•        Willingness to work and labor supply
•        The willingness to work is smaller for richer people
•        Labor supply for willingness to work: the minimum wage necessary increases with wealth.

Labor Supply (fig7)
•        Combine the two: labor supply.
•        How does redistributing land frm the rich to the poor affect labor supply
•        what happens to wages, production.

1.3 Dynamics
•        Assume now that work capacity today is a function of last period’s nutrition:
work capacity t = f(nt−1),f0 > 0
•        To simplify the analysis, let us assume away all the labor market issues—everyone works on his own and gets an income equal to his work capacity. Furthermore nutrition is an increasing function of income.

•        Therefore

nt      = g (workcapacityt)= g(f(nt−1)).

Implications
•        Poverty trap (fig10).
•      Reinforces the lack of a equity-efficiency trade-off
•        What if poor people could enter into long term employment contracts?
•      What would be the effect of providing free meals?
•      What would be the effect of providing access to credit?
•      What would be the effect of an employment guarantee scheme?
•        How much does an improvement in a household’s income increase investments in human capital?

1.4 Looking at the evidence
•        Observe that the model, in order to generate a poverty trap, requires that over a range, the f(g(•)) curve intersects the 45 degree line from below.

•        A poverty trap will emerge if f0g> 1. Let’s denote income by y and do some algebra:

0
0       0
gf0 gf
0
f0 g = gf0 ∗ = g ∗ y ∗ (1)
gf gy
0
The expressions ff 0 g and gy are called“elasticities”.
g
•        On the 45 degree line, f = y. Expression 1 tells us that there can be a nutrition-based poverty trap only if the product of the elasticity’s of the income-nutrition and nutrition-productivity relationships is greater than 1. It gives us a clear empirical fact to look for.

1.5    A Methodological aside: investigating the relationship between two variables

•        Say we are interested in the relationship between

log (income) and log (calories).

•        We start with a data set (say, data from India), which will look like two columns (two variables), with one observation of income and one observation of log(calories) for a sample of individuals (for example: 200 individuals).
•        The first thing we could do: plot the data. We put log(income) on the x axis and log(calories) on the y axis.
•        Suppose we want to summarize the shape of this graph:
•        The most flexible way is the “non-parametric regression”: we try to trace the function g(.)which best captures the variation in the data. We want to find g such that

ln(calories)=ˆg(ln(income)) +ˆ²
Where E(ˆ²)=0. ˆ² is called the residual of our regression. gˆ(ln(income)) is the predicted value of ln(calories)

•        We are not going to go into the details of how we find this function ˆg(.). There are several methods, of which the “kernel” regression is the most commonly used.
•        The most economical form is to run a linear regression: we restrict the function ˆg(.)to be a linear function of log (expenditure per capita). That is, we try to find the line that represent the best the cloud of points.
•        Note that these are all just ways to describe the data.
•        It is not because we have decided to run this particular regression that we have uncovered the true causal relationship between income and nutrition.
•        For example, what would I find if I were to run a regression of the number of sick people on the number of doctor in an area? How should I interpret it?
•        Often, we assume that the data has been generated byamodel of the form:

ln(calories)= βˆ+ˆα ln(income)) +ˆ²,
where E(ˆ²)=0.
ln(calories)= β + α ln(income)+ ²,
where ² is some error term, with E(²| ln(income)) = 0 and then, the linear regression will uncover our best estimates of α and β (notice that the hats are gone above the parameters).

•        In this case we assume that log(expenditures per capita) causes log(calories per capita). In this course, we will see many instances (for example today!) where this is not the right model to assume, and how to deal with that.
1.6    The relationship between income and nutrition: The “conventional wisdom” and its problems
•        “Conventional wisdom”: more income leads to more income spent on food and to better nutrition. In the data: strong correlation between income and food expenditures.
•      Note: if you regress food expenditures on total expenditures, the coefficient is less than one. What does the relationship between the share of expenditure spent on food and total expenditure?
•        This is called Engel’s law: As household income increases, the share spent on food decreases.

Problems with figuring out how much income affects nutrition

1. Reverse causality

2. Common causes

3. Measurement problem (1): Food expenditures are not correctly measured.

•        Meals taken outside th household and given to people.
•        Who tends to eat out?
•        Who tends to feed people?
•        In what direction does that bias the relationship between income and actual nutrition if you do not observe meals taken out and given to people but only total expenditure on food?
•       
4. Measurement problem (2)

•        Food waste
•        Who tends to waste more?
•        In what direction does that bias the relationship between income and actual nutrition if you do not observe waste but only total expenditures on food?
•       
5. Measurement problem (3):
•        Even if expenditures were correctly measured, they do not give a correct representation of quality. As people get richer, they buy better tasting food.
•        How does it bias α?

1.7    Income and nutrients in Maharastra, India
Based on Deaton and Subramanian (JPE, 1996)
D-S deal with some measurement issues

•        Meals taken in and given out. The data set includes the number of meals taken out, meals given to people, meals taken at home: they correct for this.
•        Quality: They start with 149 food items that the households have consumed in the past 30 days. Items are very precise (ex: several categories of rice are included). They use a conversion table to calculate how many calories are provided by each item.
•        Cannot fix Waste and Endogeneity

D-S take a Non-parametric approach In addition, their work not only examines the average relationship, but also the entire shape of the relationship between income and nutrition: Do we observe the non-linearity which forms the basis of the Dasgupta-Ray model we studied in lecture 2?
To do so, they run non-parametric regressions:
ln(calories)= g(ln(expenditure)) + ²
They try to estimate the shape of the function g(.).
D-S Results:

•        The relationship between expenditure and calories
•        Figure2: More expenditures → better nutrition.
•        Figure 3: Elasticity: derivative of the curve in figure 2. It is declining with expenditures (the curve is concave), but not very fast.
         
•        The relationship between quality and expenditures
•        An indicator of quality: price paid per calorie.
•        Figure 4: Log of price per calorie increases with expenditures.
•        Figure 5: Elasticity is fairly constant with expenditures.

1.8 Conclusion
•        There is a fairly strong relationship.
•        However there is also a lot of substitution towards quality even at low incomes.
•        Not surprsing given that they calculate that 2000 calories cost about 4% of the average daily wage.
•        The elasticity is nowhere close to 1....

2       The relationship between nutrition and productivity
Is there evidence that this relationship is very steep?

•        There is experimental evidence that better-fed workers are more productive at physical tasks. Example: 302 anemic rubber tree tapper in Indonesia. Half were allocated to a treatment group who was given iron supplement, half were allocated to a placebo. After 60 days, the treatment group had lower anemia, higher capacity, and higher productivity than the placebo group.
•        In the early 1990s, the Indonesian government experimented with an increase in health care prices: they increased the prices in a set of (randomly chosen) pilot locations. The consequences were: people were less likely to participate in the labor market in the pilot areas. Those who participated earned less.
•        However the elasticity of the productivity-nutrition relationship is below one... The product will not be above one: a study of the relationship between farm productivity and calorie consumption in Burkina Faso (Strauss 1986) finds an elasticity of 0.34, 0.49 for the poorest.
3       Conclusion: Should we abandon DasGupta and Ray?
•        This exercise has shown us that this very clever and appealing model is not a literal description of the reality: the relationship between calories and nutrition is not steep enough to generate a poverty trap by itself: the product of the two elasticities is around 0.09, which is far from one!!
•        However, the model forces us to think about how the nexus between human capital and income can lead to a vicious circle: this circle may be found in contexts other than the health and productivity nexus.
•       

Friday, November 1, 2013

Austerity deals harsh blow to already stricken land


A reconstructed coal mine with an animatronic figures at the Portal 31 Museum in Lynch, KY.  The museum is devoted to Kentucky's coal industry.
A reconstructed coal mine features animatronic figures at the Portal 31 Museum in Lynch, KY. The museum is devoted to Kentucky's once thriving coal industry.
Peter van Agtmael/Magnum for MSNBC


A belt of coal on a mountainside in Harlan, KY.
Photo by Peter van Agtmael/Magnum for MSNBC

A belt of coal on a mountainside in Harlan, KY.

Harlan, Kentucky — Republican Congressman Hal Rogers brought so many federal dollars home to eastern Kentucky’s coal country, he was crowned “Prince of Pork.”
Now that spigot has been turned off, just when his district might actually need it the most.
Competition from natural gas, cheaper coal, and environmental regulations have hastened the demise of the mining industry here, already in decline. More than 6,200 eastern Kentucky miners have been laid off since July 2011. There are now fewer coal jobs here than in 1920, when the great-grandfathers of today’s miners wielded shovels and pick-axes.
But sequestration—a series of across-the-board spending cuts that many Tea Party Republicans have come to embrace—and other austerity measures have accelerated the economic free fall. Unemployment benefits to laid-off miners are shrinking; fewer meals are getting delivered to homebound seniors; and there’s less money to help workers retool for new jobs. Beginning Friday, food stamps will be cut by an average of $36 per month for a family of four.


It’s yet another blow to struggling Appalachian mining towns like Harlan, where the mayor estimates that 15% of the town’s residents have moved out in the past year, searching for work elsewhere. Unsold guns are piling up in pawnshops. Even the local mortician is feeling the pinch: grieving relatives are downgrading from hardwood coffins to two-gauge steel, and ordering five baskets of flowers instead of twenty or thirty. “If I don’t sell to the coal people, I don’t sell,” one Harlan businessman explained.
Rogers has been one of the few Republicans to slam sequestration as devastating, unworkable, and unrealistic. Unless Congress decides otherwise, $109 billion in cuts will continue every year until 2021—a budget that Rogers must implement as chair of the House Appropriations Committee. But many of his Republicans colleagues have embraced the $85 billion in cuts this year as guaranteed spending cuts. It’s unlikely that budget negotiations that started this week in Congress will reverse all of them.
The incremental nature of sequestration —slow rolling, local, and scattered unevenly nationwide—has made the belt-tightening hard to measure and easy to dismiss since the cuts took effect in March. “The people that I’ve talked to seem to be doing well,” Missouri Rep. Billy Long said in April. “In fact, when I got out in restaurants here in town, people come up to me. They want to see more sequestration, not less.”
Even some Democrats believe the White House overhyped the cuts when it made dire predictions about their impact, some of which didn’t pan out. “I think they probably went over the top in terms of saying that the consequences were going to be horrible. The lines in the airports aren’t long, the world hasn’t changed overnight,” said former Pennsylvania Gov. Ed Rendell.
But Harlan sees long lines. They are in the unemployment office, filled with out-of-work miners chasing any rumor of jobs left to be had. A TV in the waiting area explains how federal cuts have chipped away at the safety net most had hoped they would never need.
“Sequestration…What does that mean for you? Your Emergency Unemployment Compensation benefits that begin on or after March 31, 2013 must be reduced 10.7% for each week of unemployment through September 2013.”
“Sequestration is a terrible way to do business. I’ve said it since day one. It slices the good with the bad, and removes the duty of Congress to ensure vital programs, like Head Start and various grant programs receive adequate support,” Rogers told MSNBC. “Couple those deep cuts with the rapid loss of coal mining jobs in eastern Kentucky and we’re now facing an economic superstorm.”

Donnie Reeves, an unemployed coal mine worker from Harlan, KY. receives retraining in industrial maintenance so he can find a new job.
Photo by Peter van Agtmael/Magnum for MSNBC

Donnie Reeves, an unemployed coal mine worker from Harlan, KY. receives retraining in industrial maintenance so he can find a new job.

For Donnie Reeves, 40, each passing week of unemployment means less security. He lost his mining job in March, just weeks before his wife Tiffanie lost her job as a teaching assistant. “After December, it’s no more unemployment, no more nothing,” he said in August.
“I would have to work a minimum of three jobs, each 40 hours a week at minimum wage. That’s to keep the lights on. No groceries, no gas,” said Donnie, who made $70,000 in his best year.
Donnie spent the summer retraining for a factory job through an emergency federal program spared—this time—from sequestration’s axe. Tiffanie found a job helping unemployed Kentuckians like her husband find work.
But with two teenage kids and their hometown’s economy in tatters, the Reeves know that their future may lie outside Harlan, leaving behind a family rooted here for more than 120 years.
“Tiff,” he told her last spring, when they were first considering the idea, “we’re giving up.”

—
For years, Kentucky politicians found funds to cushion the slow death of coal. And no one was better at it than Rogers, chairman of the powerful House appropriations committee.
Since 1981, Rogers has requested more than $460 million in earmarks for the fifth district. All across eastern Kentucky, there are tributes to his largesse. Just a few hours east of Harlan, there’s the Hal Rogers Appalachian Recovery Center for drug addicts; to the west, the water slides at the Hal Rogers Family Entertainment Center. And in between, the Daniel Boone National Forest, honoring the beloved frontiersman whose name nonetheless got booted off the road now called the “Hal Rogers Parkway.”
To Rogers’s defenders, the generous projects aimed to combat the “Appalachia problem”—generational poverty, exploitation, and underdevelopment that’s kept coal country on the margins of prosperity, poor people living in a resource-rich land, according to historian Ron Eller. The unemployment rate in Rogers’s fifth district is the highest in Kentucky, hitting 16% in three counties this August. That’s in an area where the poverty rate is already 27.5%, rising to 34% in families with children under 18.
“There’s no question that federal funding has been vital to progress in southern and eastern Kentucky,” Rogers told MSNBC, citing projects to expand sewer lines, invest in infrastructure, and combat drug abuse.
Just this summer, Rogers was celebrating some of the fruits of his labor.

A young member of the Friendship Baptist Church congregation at Sunday services in Cawood, KY.
Photo by Peter van Agtmael/Magnum for MSNBC

A young member of the Friendship Baptist Church congregation at Sunday services in Cawood, KY.

At the Harlan Girls and Boys Club in August, he praised Appalachia HIDTA, the anti-drug office he created with earmarked money “to spread the word about the ever-present dangers of marijuana.” Another pet project was in evidence as well—Eastern Kentucky PRIDE, an environmental cleanup group run by a former Rogers staffer.
Both groups have been the recipients of millions in federal money, thanks to Rogers. He also secured earmarks for the infamous I-66 “road to nowhere,” which still hasn’t been finished, and a $4 million homeland security contract for a company that hired his own son.
It’s precisely these kinds of projects that drove Tea Partiers to demand a ban on earmarks and more spending cuts when the GOP took over the House in 2010.
Lobbying against establishment Republicans like Rogers, Tea Party freshmen pushed Congress to embrace a $2.1 trillion deficit deal in exchange for raising the debt ceiling. The law brought $900 billion in upfront cuts by imposing spending caps for the next decade. It also created a bipartisan “supercommitee” tasked with creating a $1.2 trillion deficit-reduction deal by the end of 2011. But the supercommittee failed when Republicans refused to budge on revenue increases that Democrats demanded, triggering sequestration’s automatic, across-the-board cuts.
The irony is that the cuts under sequestration, that great fiscal equalizer, are hitting both the best and worst of the spending that Rogers has supported, whether it’s pure pork or critical social services.
The fifth district’s economic woes make it clear that hundreds of millions in specially designated funds haven’t been enough to wean this place away from the twin pillars of coal and government aid.
That’s been deeply frustrating to eastern Kentucky residents who’ve seen lawmakers like Rogers bring in huge-dollar projects while economic opportunities have evaporated. “I’m getting the hell out of Harlan County. Ain’t nothing here,” one jobless miner said, sitting in the town’s unemployment office. “What pisses me off—the politicians, they have millions of dollars pumped through here in the last 50 years.
Federal grants for many of Rogers’s pet projects haven’t been renewed since earmarks died and austerity was reborn. But money has also dried up for Meals on Wheels, which is delivering 500 fewer lunches every month in Harlan County under sequestration, according to one employee. The cuts have squeezed Title I education funding to the local high school, which laid off teachers this summer. Fewer homebound seniors are getting help to pay their bills and do their laundry.


An elderly man waits as volunteers from the Harlan Community Action Agency help build him a wheelchair ramp as part of their annual day of service in the southeastern region of Kentucky.
Photo by Peter van Agtmael/Magnum for MSNBC

An elderly man waits as volunteers from the Harlan Community Action Agency help build him a wheelchair ramp as part of their annual day of service in the southeastern region of Kentucky.

Like other coal-state lawmakers, Rogers believes the first priority is to stop Obama’s “war on coal,” lobbying against regulations like the EPA’s new carbon rules for power plants. Though the president isn’t likely to budge on his climate regulations, he promised in June to “give special care to people and communities that are unsettled by the transition” to cleaner energy. But so far, little extra help has arrived in eastern Kentucky. Even environmentalists who’ve rallied for the end of coal acknowledge that the human cost of the transition has been too high. “I find it unconscionable that these areas that have powered our rise to the greatest economy in the world are being left behind,” said Matt Wasson, director of programs at Appalachian Voices.
Rogers has found some common cause with Democrats by trying to bring the bacon home again—at least a slice of it. Together with Kentucky’s Democratic governor, Steve Beshear, Rogers backed a $5.2 million emergency federal grant for retraining laid-off miners. And he is one of the few Republicans to push back against his own party on sequestration and the GOP’s insistence on low spending levels even if the cuts are reversed.
“I believe that the House has made its choice: sequestration—and its unrealistic and ill-conceived discretionary cuts—must be brought to an end,” he said in July after House Republicans could not bring themselves to vote for the very cuts they had originally agreed to make to transportation and housing, scuttling his committee’s spending bill.
Not all Republicans agree—even those representing Kentucky. At an August town hall in Harlan, Sen. Rand Paul hadn’t even heard of the $5.2 million retraining program that helped Donnie Reeves.
“It’s not about retraining—it’s about cutting the deficit,” Paul said. “We should spend what money comes in.”
At the event, one resident asked Paul how sequestration would affect his employer, the Center for Independent Living, which uses federal funds to help elderly and disabled residents take care of themselves.
“Our government is literally littered with waste,” Paul replied.
Andrew Saylor, who’d posed the question, was incredulous. “I’m in charge of accounting, and we account for every damn thing,” he replied. Paul moved onto the next question.
—
Donnie didn’t want to accept the money at first. “It hurts your pride.”
Then Tiffanie laid out two years of tax returns. “This is what we paid in,” she said, showing her husband what he paid in after working 13-hour shifts.
He signed up for unemployment within a week. “It’s a joke, but it helps,” he explained. But sequestration would still cut his federal benefits if he didn’t find a job by October—extra help that’s going to end for everyone come January.


An exhibit at the Portal 31 Museum devoted to the coal mining industry in Lynch, KY. A series of animatronic figures narrate the history of coal in the region.
Photo by Peter van Agtmael/Magnum for MSNBC

An exhibit at the Portal 31 Museum devoted to the coal mining industry in Lynch, KY. A series of animatronic figures narrate the history of coal in the region.

Donnie doesn’t romanticize the job he’s lost. Working on the mountainside, he and the other miners ran enormous, earth-smashing machines–the kind that split one coworker in half and took off another’s head. They all ragged on each other just to keep their nerves in check. “Once you see somebody get killed two or three times, you find the Lord real fast,” he said.
But Donnie believes he’s luckier than some other miners—the guys with diabetes, arthritis, and nerve pain who are too old to be retrained, too young for Social Security. (“Never tell your age—never, ever,” a career counselor told two jobless 50-somethings in Harlan.)
Sequestration isn’t making that transition easier. Already, it’s slashed federal support to Harlan’s Workforce Investment Program by 16%. That money could have paid for travel, equipment, and tuition for Harlan’s unemployed who want to retool for another profession. But it won’t be coming back unless Congress decides otherwise.
Donnie’s no Obama fan, but he doesn’t think it’s worth cutting what little Washington is doing to help. “Say they cut that [retraining] program down. A guy gets laid off today—we can help him write a resume but can’t do anything else. It’s useless.”
In late September, he saw that investment pay off: After more than six months of searching, he landed a job at a factory doing industrial maintenance, which he trained for over the summer with government assistance. It’s three hours away, which means living apart from his family until they move to Georgetown, Kentucky—but it’s a job.
Rogers says he’s committed to finding a future for his district, announcing a summit with Gov. Beshear to find new solutions to Appalachia’s economic woes—a promise that Kentucky politicians have made for decades.
But Harlan is still waiting for its own backup plan. Past boarded-up stores, pawnshops, and an abandoned tattoo parlor, a new pizza parlor sells alcohol and memories. The walls of Portal are lined with maps of old coal camps and black-and-white photos of miners.
Every night, it plays the same song to close:
           In the deep dark hills of eastern Kentucky.
           That’s the place where I trace my bloodline.
           And it’s there I read on a hillside gravestone.
           You will never leave Harlan alive.
Click here to view more images from Kentucky and life under austerity.

Tuesday, September 18, 2012

GOP’s disgraceful elitism


Romney is one of myriad conservatives who believe that our country's poor are lazy -- and should be punished


    GOP's disgraceful elitism Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan (Credit: Reuters/Brian Snyder) It’s not just Mitt Romney.  When anyone argues that the very rich should pay their fair share in taxes, conservatives frequently respond by shifting blame to the supposed 47 percent of Americans who don’t pay taxes.  The message is simple:  How come you liberals want to blame the wealthy but let poor people off the hook?  And so, with apologies to Republicans who seem congenitally allergic to facts as of late, let’s look at who actually doesn’t pay taxes in America, and why, and what this means for our economy and the election.
    It is true that roughly 47 percent of Americans pay no federal income tax.  This is because they are too poor to fall within even the lowest tax bracket in America.  However, more than half of these folks still pay other forms of taxes — including payroll taxes, not to mention the sales tax and gas tax and others to which all consumers are subject.  And yes, many of these 47 percent do benefit from tax credits — because they are students or they are elderly or they are poor.

    The actual percentage of Americans who have no federal tax liability and are not elderly?  6.9 percent.  These Americans make less than $20,000 per year in wages.  These are the working poor, who were always struggling to get by even in good times but are hit extra hard by high unemployment and the fact that, in the slow recovery, more and more solid middle class are being replaced by low-wage work.  These, supposedly, are the very people Mitt Romney should be seeking to help with his candidacy — not attack.
    Now, what’s interesting is that, while complaining that poor people don’t pay enough in taxes, conservatives also complain that the wealthy pay too much.  They do this by focusing on the absolute dollar amount paid, as opposed to percentage.  So, for instance, when Warren Buffett states that he pays lower taxes than his secretary, conservatives protest.  Buffet pays far more in actual dollars, they argue.

    Which is, of course, true — 1 percent of $1 billion is $10 million whereas 40 percent of $100,000 is only $40,000.   In absolute dollars, sure, the billionaire is paying far, far more than the middle-class family, let alone a poor family.  Yes, conservatives are right, the top 10 percent of Americans pay more than half of the nation’s total tax revenues — but that’s because the top 10 percent enjoy more than half of the nation’s income.  And that gulf of inequality is only growing.
    But does anyone really think the richest of the rich should pay an effective 1 percent income tax rate while the middle class pays 40 percent?

    Oh wait, right — Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan think that’s a grand idea!  Under Paul Ryan’s budget plan, which Mitt Romney endorsed, taxes for the middle class would go up while tax rates for millionaires and billionaires would be slashed to unprecedented lows.  And under this tax plan Mitt Romney, who currently pays a less-than-fair share of 15 percent would pay just 0.82% percent in taxes.
    In other words, it appears Mitt Romney isn’t angry that desperately poor people don’t pay taxes — he’s jealous!

    Increasingly, I’ve come to think this debate is not really about conservative faith in trickle-down economics, which all real-world evidence gleaned over decades now proves just doesn’t work.  Instead, I think Mitt Romney and many conservatives simply believe that the wealthy are more deserving and the poor are lazy.  Therefore, we should reward the rich with whatever they want — lower tax rates, unlimited campaign spending, you name it — and punish the poor.  This eerily echoes the conservative response to the violence swelling in the Middle East, their unwillingness to acknowledge the context of violence and instead insist that those doing bad are just bad people.  Romney conveyed this broadly dismissive attitude about all Palestinians in other secret footage from the same donor event.

    Conservatives seem to believe that 47 percent of our own country is filled with bad people who don’t work hard and feel lazy and entitled — and these 47 percent should be condemned, contained and controlled.  And who better to do so than our moral and economic superiors.  The facts of tax policy and how hard poor people are trying to get ahead are irrelevant.  Conservatives are pushing a flagrantly elitist and immoral hierarchy to reward the rich and demonize the poor.  It is a sick vision for a nation founded on liberty and justice for all — that is, 100 percent.

    Friday, May 27, 2011

    The Human Toll - Digital History Period: 1930s


    Back to Hypertext History: Our Online American History Textbook
    1930s
    The Human Toll 

    Period: 1930s
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    After more than half a century, images of the Great Depression remain firmly etched in the American psyche: breadlines, soup kitchens, tin-can shanties and tar-paper shacks known as "Hoovervilles," penniless men and women selling apples on street corners, and gray battalions of Arkies and Okies packed into Model A Fords heading to California.

    The collapse was staggering in its dimensions. Unemployment jumped from less than 3 million in 1929 to 4 million in 1930, to 8 million in 1931, and to 12 ½ million in 1932. In that year, a quarter of the nation's families did not have a single employed wage earner. Even those fortunate enough to have jobs suffered drastic pay cuts and reductions in working hours. Only one company in ten failed to cut pay, and in 1932 three-quarters of all workers were on part-time schedules, averaging just 60 percent of the normal work week.

    The economic collapse was terrifying in its scope and impact. By 1933 average family income had tumbled 40 percent, from $2,300 in 1929 to just $1,500 four years later. In the Pennsylvania coal fields, three or four families crowded together in one-room shacks and lived on wild weeds. In Arkansas, families were found inhabiting caves. In Oakland, California, whole families lived in sewer pipes.
    Vagrancy shot up as many families were evicted from their homes for nonpayment of rent. The Southern Pacific Railroad boasted that it threw 683,000 vagrants off its trains in 1931. Free public flophouses and missions in Los Angeles provided beds for 200,000 of the uprooted.

    To save money, families neglected medical and dental care. Many families sought to cope by planting gardens, canning food, buying used bread, and using cardboard and cotton for shoe soles. Despite a steep decline in food prices, many families did without milk or meat. In New York City, milk consumption declined by a million gallons a day.
    President Herbert Hoover declared, "Nobody is actually starving. The hoboes are better fed than they have ever been." But in New York City in 1931, there were 20 known cases of starvation; in 1934, there were 110 deaths caused by hunger. There were so many accounts of people starving in New York that the West African nation of Cameroon sent $3.77 in relief.

    The Depression had a powerful impact on families. It forced couples to delay marriage and drove the birthrate below the replacement level for the first time in American history. The divorce rate fell, for the simple fact that many couples could not afford to maintain separate households or to pay legal fees. Still, rates of desertion soared. By 1940 there were 1.5 million married women living apart from their husbands. More than 200,000 vagrant children wandered the country as a result of the break-up of their families.

    The Depression inflicted a heavy psychological toll on jobless men. With no wages to punctuate their ability, many men lost power as primary decision makers. Large numbers of men lost self-respect, became immobilized and stopped looking for work, while others turned to alcohol or became self-destructive or abusive to their families.
    In contrast to men, many women saw their status rise during the Depression. To supplement the family income, married women entered the work force in large numbers. Although most women worked in menial occupations, the fact that they were employed and bringing home paychecks elevated their position within the family and gave them a say in family decisions.

    Despite the hardships it inflicted, the Great Depression drew some families closer together. As one observer noted, "Many a family has lost its automobile and found its soul." Families had to devise strategies for getting through hard times because their survival depended on it. They pooled their incomes, moved in with relatives in order to cut expenses, bought day-old bread, and did without. Many families drew comfort from their religion, sustained by the hope things would turn out well in the end; others placed their faith in themselves, in their own dogged determination to survive that so impressed observers like Woody Guthrie. Many Americans, however, no longer believed that the problems could be solved by people acting alone or through voluntary associations. Increasingly, they looked to the federal government for help.
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